Michael Somare

World Leader

Michael Somare was born in Rabaul, Islands Region, Papua New Guinea on April 9th, 1936 and is the World Leader. At the age of 88, Michael Somare biography, profession, age, height, weight, eye color, hair color, build, measurements, education, career, dating/affair, family, news updates, and networth are available.

  Report
Date of Birth
April 9, 1936
Nationality
Papua New Guinea
Place of Birth
Rabaul, Islands Region, Papua New Guinea
Age
88 years old
Zodiac Sign
Aries
Profession
Politician
Michael Somare Height, Weight, Eye Color and Hair Color

At 88 years old, Michael Somare physical status not available right now. We will update Michael Somare's height, weight, eye color, hair color, build, and measurements.

Height
Not Available
Weight
Not Available
Hair Color
Not Available
Eye Color
Not Available
Build
Not Available
Measurements
Not Available
Michael Somare Religion, Education, and Hobbies
Religion
Not Available
Hobbies
Not Available
Education
Not Available
Michael Somare Spouse(s), Children, Affair, Parents, and Family
Spouse(s)
Veronica Somare ​(m. 1965)​
Children
Not Available
Dating / Affair
Not Available
Parents
Not Available
Michael Somare Career

Somare stressed his background in the small emerging modern sector of Papua New Guinea rather than his immersion in Sepik culture in two long interviews at the end of his career.

Later on, he was one of the 35 Papua New Guineans who went through a crash course that gave entry to the civil service. He was as a result also one of the few Papua New Guineans with a command of the English language. Therefore, he was qualified as a translator for the Legislative Council. This was a white-dominated institution but it gave him insight into the game of politics. He also became a radio announcer in Wewak, East Sepik. That was a great opportunity to make his name known in the area that elected him throughout his long career consistently as their MP. It also brought the ire of his supervisors because of his critical comments and they transferred him on administrative duties to Port Moresby. There he became part of the small group of educated nationalists that had the nickname of the bully beef club. This group protested already early on against the racist nature of colonial rule. Somare maintained that he was already in 1962 in favour of independence. He was in Port Moresby one of the founding members in 1967 of the Papua and Niugini Union party (Pangu). He stood for election when opportunities opened up for native Papua New Guineans to enter the National Assembly in 1968 and he was one of the eight Pangu candidates who were successful. He embarked in politics practising a judicious mixture of opposition to and co-optation by the Australian government. Pangu opted in 1968 for the opposition rather than having seats in government. From that position they consistently attacked the racist nature of colonial rule as they had also done outside parliament. Somare was leader of the opposition but he was also a member of the Constitutional Planning Committee preparing for independence. He was despite his radical position also a moderate. He argued for example for a period of internal self government. That was granted in 1973. Foreign affairs and defence remained an Australian responsibility until full independence was granted two years later.

Somare was particularly adept at steering a clear way among various conflicting forces. There were for example those who advocated that Papua New Guinea should become the seventh state in the Australian Federation. More important were the centrifugal forces in the country. There was a rival political party with mass following in the highlands, the Compass party. A separatist movement was pleading for separate independence for Papua apart from New Guinea. In Bougainville, there were forces claiming independence. There were conflicts among the Tolai in East New Britain. The People's Progress Party under the leadership of Julius Chan rather than Pangu was important on the islands. Somare succeeded in bringing all these centrifugal forces together at independence. Somare's advocacy of independence was radical as compared to the other parties who were much more in favour of the status quo. It was particularly important to sway the opinion of Julius Chan who was not keen on immediate independence. When that succeeded a coalition government between Pangu and the PPP became possible.

Some forces on the Australian side were also not in favour of independence for PNG, but it was definitely not the case that there was a veritable independence struggle. There was some protest against colonial practices, for example, a civil service strike pleading for equal treatment of PNG personnel with Australian personnel or protest against discriminatory practices. However, there was a fair amount of co-optation on the way to independence, especially after Gough Whitlam became prime minister of Australia. Since there has been access to the Australian archives from this period it was clear that Australia wanted to get rid of PNG already early on. The Australian government was keen to let the complexities of ruling PNG go. The possibility to declare Papua New Guinea an Australian state in the federation and making all inhabitants Australians was always rejected by Australia.

Michael Somare's role in the independence struggle reflects therefore the values he advocated throughout his career, as a builder of consensus and a politician whose main mission was avoiding or reconciling conflicts.

Source