Mamadou Dia

Politician

Mamadou Dia was born in Khombole, Thiès Region, Senegal on July 18th, 1910 and is the Politician. At the age of 98, Mamadou Dia biography, profession, age, height, weight, eye color, hair color, build, measurements, education, career, dating/affair, family, news updates, and networth are available.

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Date of Birth
July 18, 1910
Nationality
France, Senegal
Place of Birth
Khombole, Thiès Region, Senegal
Death Date
Jan 25, 2009 (age 98)
Zodiac Sign
Cancer
Profession
Economist, Politician
Mamadou Dia Height, Weight, Eye Color and Hair Color

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Mamadou Dia Religion, Education, and Hobbies
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Mamadou Dia Life

Mamadou Dia (18 July 1910 – January 25, 2009) was a Senegalese politician who served as Senegal's first Prime Minister from 1957 to 1962, when he was forced to resign and was eventually imprisoned amidst charges that he was planning to stage a military coup to overthrowrown President Léopold Senghor.

Early life and education

Mamadou Dia, a rural person, was born in Khombole, Senegal's Thies Region, on July 18, 1910. His father, a veteran who turned into a cop, was instrumental in bringing Sufi Islam to Sufi Islam and was a prime example of repentance.

A former student of the Blanchot elementary school in Saint-Louis began his education in a Quranic academy and later moved to Western education at École William Ponty, France's leading training ground for the elite in the twentieth and 1930s. He deterred graduate studies in economics at the University of Paris later. He began teaching and school director before entering politics (was inspired to do so only after the Vichy regime fell) in the early 1940s.

He said in his book "Africa, the price of freedom" (2001, edited by L'Harmattan) that he believed to have been born (according to several papers pertaining to his father's death) in July 1911. It has been a teacher who made him one year older on official papers to allow him to attend the William Ponty school because otherwise he would not have been deemed a candidate.

Dia began working in politics in 1947 as a member of the Afrique occidentale française (AOF) and as Secretary General of the Senegalese Democratic Bloc (BDS) from the following year. He served in the French Senate from 1948 to 1956, as deputy and deputy in the French National Assembly from 1956 to 1958, sitting with the Overseas Independent party (IOM). The African Convention Party (PCA) was established by Senghor Dia in January 1957 from the BDS. When Charles de Gaulle called a referendum on the French people in 1958, the two leaders maintain their respective positions: Dia is in favour of a break with France, while Senghor prefers to keep Senegal in the country.

Mamadou Dia voted for the ratification of the Atlantic Pact during his two terms as a senator (July 28, 1949), and declared himself in favour of the ratification of the Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (1 st April 1952). He opposed WEU, the close of the German occupation, the accession of NATO, and the Saar Agreement on March 26, 1955. It accepted the draft law on state of emergency in Algeria (1 st April) and abstained on the ballot reform bill that restored the district election (15 November). He was also a vocal member of parliament, a frequent speaker, and devoting himself to the problems of the overseas territories.

Dia was one of the main figures (notably vice president) of the abortive Mali Federation of Senegal and Sudanese Republic (later Mali) before its demise. He became Prime Minister David Cameron in tandem with Senghor as President of Senegal, who, as a Catholic in a largely Islamic world, values having a well-connected and able Muslim as his deputy. His time as Prime Minister was often polar, and his radically partisan views often contradicted those of the more moderate Senghors.

Mamadou Dia was accused of plotting a coup against President Senghor after just over two years of legislative involvement. No evidence has been given to back up the allegations. It was presented as a classic example of power sharing in new-born countries: Dia embodied the state's two-headed parliamentary system (economic and internal policies for him, as well as foreign policy for President George Poirier).

However, diverse viewpoints on the economy played a major role: there was a strong pro-French and pro-French debate, as well as a patriotic policy divide. Dia began to implement some of the principles he had outlined in his book Réflexions sur l'Afrique Noire (1960), which sparked fear among the Marabouts, the powerful religious figures who ruled the groundnut industry, and runs contrary to French interests.

A group of dissident parliamentarians inspired by Senghor's campaign of no confidence against the government was presented by a motion of no confidence against the government, which moved the issue to Dia. He responded by instructing executive powers and ordering the army to lock the assembly chamber until the vote was taken. Senghor referred to it as a failed coup attempt, while the army was withdrawn, which was in the majority loyal to him. Dia and several of his ministers were arrested and charged with treason. He was forced to resign and later admitted to life in jail in Kédougou's eastern town of Kédougou, until 1974, but later pardoned (1974) and granted amnesty (1976).

His political clout may have been shattered, but not his spirit. Dia tried to resurrect his career in the 1980s, after Abdou Diouf's birth of multiparty democracy, but the People Democratic Movement, Dia's tiny group, received little support. He never returned to a position of influence, but, he remained a prominent figure in Senegalese politics, holding an academic and moral position in the region. He accompanied Senegalese state through the years of colonization and became one of the most influential figures in the modern Senegal's construction. He gradually assumed the role of national treasure as he continued to write diatribes in the local newspaper well into his 90s. He was praised for his remarks on the new president's neo-liberal economic policies, despite being one of the lawyers who defended Dia in 1963. Following his death on January 25, 2009 (at the age of 98, in Dakar), there was a massive outpouring of emotion in national newspapers due to his obdurate attachment to principles.

"Dia ne s'est jamais défait de son idealism pour devenir un homme d'Etat."

Late life

His political clout may have been shattered, but not his spirit. Dia tried to resurrect his career in the early 1980s, after Abdou Diouf's introduction of multiparty democracy, but the People Democratic Movement (the People Democratic Movement) found no encouragement. He never returned to a position of authority; on the other hand, he remained a central figure in Senegalese politics, holding a political and moral role in the region. During the years of colonization, he aided the Senegalese state during the colonization period and was one of the key figures in modern Senegal's construction. As he continued to write diatribes in the local newspapers well into his 90s, he gradually assumed the role of national treasure. He was praised for his comments on the new president's neo-liberal economic plans, including Abdoulaye Wade, who ironically was one of the lawyers who defended Dia in 1963. Following his death on January 25, 2009 (at the age of 98 in Dakar), there was a significant outpouring of emotion in national newspapers due to his obdurate commitment to principles.

"Dia ne s'est jamais defait de son idealism pour devenir un homme d'Etat."

Source

Mamadou Dia Career

Political career

Dia started life in politics in 1947 as a leader in the Grand Council of the Afrique occidentale française (AOF) and as Secretary General of the Senegalese Democratic Bloc (BDS) from the following year. He served in the French Senate from 1948 to 1956 and as deputy in the French National Assembly from 1956 to 1958, sitting with the parliamentary group of Overseas Independent (IOM). With Senghor, Dia formed the African Convention Party (PCA) in January 1957 from the BDS. When Charles de Gaulle proposed a referendum on the French community in 1958, the two leaders stand by two opposite positions: Dia is in favor of a break with France, while Senghor wants to keep Senegal in the community,

During his two terms as a senator, Mamadou Dia voted for the ratification of the Atlantic Pact (July 28, 1949), voted for the law Marie favorable to private education (September 12), and declared himself in favor of the ratification of the Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (1 st April 1952). On March 26, 1955, he opposed plans relating to the WEU, the end of the occupation in Germany, its entry into NATO and the Saar Agreement. It approved the draft law on state of emergency in Algeria (1 st April) and abstained on the draft electoral reform restoring the district election (15 November). He was also an active member of parliament, being a frequent speaker and devoting himself to the problems of the overseas territories.

Dia was one of the main figures (namely vice premier) of the abortive Mali Federation of Senegal and Sudanese Republic (later Mali) until its collapse. Once independence has been proclaimed on August 20, 1960, he became Prime minister, in tandem with Senghor as President of the Republic of Senegal who, as a Catholic in a largely Islamic country, valued having a widely connected and able Muslim as his deputy. His time served as Prime Minister was often controversial and his radical socialist views often clashed with those of the more moderate Senghor.

After slightly more than two years of legislature, Mamadou Dia was accused of plotting a coup against President Senghor. No proof has been provided to justify the accusations. It was taken at the time as a classic example of the difficulties of power sharing in new-born states: Dia embodied the summit of the State in a two-headed parliamentary system (economic and internal policy for him, foreign policy for the President).

However, different views with regards to the economy, played a major role: there was a serious liberal and pro-French versus conservatory and patriotic policy divide. In fact, Dia began to implement some of the ideas he had articulated in his book Réflexions sur l'Économie de l'Afrique Noire (1960), which rose concern among the Marabouts, the powerful religious leaders who controlled the groundnut business, and runs counter to French interests.

As result of the grave power struggle between the two former political allies, a group of dissident parliamentarians motivated by Senghor, tabled a motion of no confidence against the government, thus on Dia. He responded by invoking executive powers and ordering the army to lock the assembly building before the vote could be taken. Senghor charged it as an attempted coup, in turn calling out the army, which was in the majority loyal to him. Dia and several of his ministers were arrested and tried for treason. Eventually, he was forced to resign and subsequently imprisoned (initially sentenced to life in prison) in the eastern town of Kédougou, until 1974, but later pardoned (1974) and given amnesty (1976).

His political power may have been broken but not his spirit. Dia attempted to restart his career in the early 1980s, once multiparty democracy had been introduced by Abdou Diouf, but the small party he led (the People Democratic Movement) found little support. Thus, he never returned to a position of power; however, he remained an iconic figure in Senegalese politics, retaining an intellectual and moral place in the country. He accompanied the Senegalese state during the years of decolonization and remained one of the main figures in the construction of modern Senegal. He gradually acquired the role of national treasure, as he continued regularly to write diatribes in the local press well into his 90s. He was noted for his attacks on the neo-liberal economic policies of the current president, Abdoulaye Wade, who ironically had been one of the lawyers who defended Dia in 1963. After his death on 25 January 2009 (at the age of 98, in Dakar), there was a massive outpouring of sentiment in national newspapers due to admiration for his obdurate attachment to principles.

"Dia ne s’est jamais defait de son idealism pour devenir un homme d’Etat"

Source