Jack Kemp

Politician

Jack Kemp was born in Los Angeles, California, United States on July 13th, 1935 and is the Politician. At the age of 73, Jack Kemp biography, profession, age, height, weight, eye color, hair color, build, measurements, education, career, dating/affair, family, news updates, and networth are available.

  Report
Date of Birth
July 13, 1935
Nationality
United States
Place of Birth
Los Angeles, California, United States
Death Date
May 2, 2009 (age 73)
Zodiac Sign
Cancer
Profession
American Football Player, Businessperson, Canadian Football Player, Politician, Writer
Jack Kemp Height, Weight, Eye Color and Hair Color

At 73 years old, Jack Kemp has this physical status:

Height
185cm
Weight
91kg
Hair Color
Not Available
Eye Color
Not Available
Build
Not Available
Measurements
Not Available
Jack Kemp Religion, Education, and Hobbies
Religion
Not Available
Hobbies
Not Available
Education
Occidental College (BA)
Jack Kemp Spouse(s), Children, Affair, Parents, and Family
Spouse(s)
Joanne Main ​(m. 1958)​
Children
4, including Jeff and Jimmy
Dating / Affair
Not Available
Parents
Not Available
Jack Kemp Life

Jack French Kemp (July 13, 1935 – May 2, 2009) was an American politician and a professional player in both American and Canadian football.

He served as Housing Secretary in President George H. Bush's cabinet from 1989 to 1993, having previously served nine terms in the United States House of Representatives from 1971 to 1989.

In the 1996 election, he was the Republican Party's nominee for Vice President, where he was the running mate of presidential candidate Bob Dole.

Kemp had previously lobbied for the presidency in 1988 Republican primaries. Kemp was a professional quarterback for 13 years before entering politics.

He played briefly in the National Football League (NFL) and the Canadian Football League (CFL), but he later became a fixture in the American Football League (AFL).

He captained both the San Diego Chargers and Buffalo Bills and received the AFL Most Valuable Player award in 1965 after leading the Bills to their second straight championship.

He played in the AFL for ten years, appeared in its All-Star game seven times, played in its championship game five times, and set several of the league's record breaking performances.

Kemp also co-founded the AFL Players Association, for which he served five terms as president.

He served in the United States Army Reserve during the early part of his football career. Kemp, a fiscal conservative, advocated for low taxes and supply-side policies throughout his political career.

His views ranged from his conservative opposition to abortion to more liberal stances in favour of immigration reform.

He is both a proponent of both Chicago school and supply-side economics, and the legislator of the 1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act, also known as the Kemp-Roth tax cut. Kemp continued to serve on corporate and non-profit boards after his time in political office; he was also a lobbyist and commentator.

In addition, he wrote, co-authored, and edited many books.

He argued for NFL players and advocated for former professional football players.

President Barack Obama bestowed Kemp with the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.

Early life

Kemp converted his motorcycle messenger service from one to two trucks, born, raised, and educated in Los Angeles. Elizabeth, Elizabeth Pope, and Paul Robert Kemp Sr. Frances was a well-educated social worker and Spanish teacher. Kemp grew up in West Los Angeles's heavily Jewish Wilshire neighborhood, but his tight-knit middle-class family attended the Church of Christ, Scientist. Sports consumed Kemp, who once opted for a school essay on important inventions, but his mother wanted to broaden his horizons with piano lessons and trips to the Hollywood Bowl.

Kemp attended Fairfax High School in Melrose Avenue, which was at the time known for the high number of Jewish students and children of celebrities. Kemp's classmates accounted for over 85% of Kemp's classmates, and he later became a promoter of Jewish causes. Herb Alpert, baseball pitcher Larry Sherry, and academic Judith A. Reisman were among his classmates. Kemp worked with his brothers at his father's trucking company in downtown Los Angeles during his time in high school. He was a devoted reader who adored history and philosophy books in his spare time.

He graduated from high school in 1953 and enrolled in Occidental College, a founding member of the NCAA Division III Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference. Kemp chose Occidental because the school's football team used professional formations and plays, which he hopes would help him to be a professional quarterback. He was too small to play for the UCLA Bruins or the USC Trojans, respectively, the two major Southern California college football programs, at 5 feet 10 inches (178 cm) and 175 pounds (79 kg).

Kemp, a record-breaking javelin hurler, starred on the football team, including quarterback, defensive back, place kicker, and punter. Kemp, although he was nearsighted, was tenacious on the field. The 1955 and 1956 Occidental teams set 6–2 and 3–6 records during his time as starting quarterback. Kemp was named a Little All-America player for over 1,100 yards one year. In passing, he led the nation's small colleges in that year. The Alpha Tau Omega fraternity was founded by his brother Jim Mora, who later became an NFL head coach. Ron Botchan, another college buddy, was a referee for years (record five Super Bowls). Kemp refused to serve in the student government. After graduating from Occidental with a degree in physical education, he pursued postgraduate studies in economics at Long Beach State University and California Western University in San Diego and served in the military from 1958 to 1962.

Source

Jack Kemp Career

Football career

Kemp was cut from the team before the 1957 NFL season began after being drafted by the Detroit Lions in the 17th round of the 1957 NFL draft. He spent 1957 with the Pittsburgh Steelers and 1958 with the San Francisco 49ers and New York Giants' taxi teams. The Giants hosted the NFL championship game, dubbed the "Greatest Game Ever Played" and the first overtime NFL playoff game, but Kemp did not play, because he was not a third-string quarterback of the taxi squad.

Kemp joined the United States Army Reserve in 1958 and spent a year as a private to complete his initial preparation. He served as a member of the San Diego-based 977th Transportation Company from 1958 to 1962. Kemp was granted a medical exemption for his recurrently injured left shoulder when his unit was activated for the Berlin Crisis of 1961. In July 1962, he was kicked out of the Reserve after suffering an accident.

Kemp played for one game for the Calgary Stampeders of the Canadian Football League in 1959, making him ineligible for the NFL. According to his older brother Tom, his parents drove him from California to Calgary, Alberta, only to see him cut. Kemp had been cut from five professional teams (Lions, Steelers, Giants, 49ers, and Stampeders) by this time, and his family encouraged him to continue his life. The newly formed AFL agreed to "no tampering" rules with the NFL and CFL respectively on February 9 and 11, 1960, shielding each league's players. At the time, players like Kemp, who had limited NFL experience, were often signed by the AFL. Kemp has signed as a free agent with the Los Angeles Chargers in AFL.

Kemp led the Chargers to a Western Division Championship with a 10–4 record in 1960. He came in second place in the league behind Frank Tripucka in passing attempts, completions, and yards (making him and Tripucka the league's first 3,000-yard passers), led the AFL in yards per completion and time sacked, and was just one rushing touchdown shy of the league record. The Chargers' offense averaged 46 points over the last four games and scored more than 41 points in five of its last nine games under Kemp. He led the team to field goals on the first two possessions in the AFL championship game, but the Chargers never recovered after the Houston Oilers posted a touchdown in the second quarter for a 7–6 lead.

Barron Hilton was convinced by San Diego Union editor Jack Murphy in 1961 to move the Chargers from Los Angeles to San Diego. Kemp led the relocated team to a 12–2 record and a second appearance in the Western Division Championship. He came in second in passing yards this year (this time to George Blanda). The Chargers also defeated the Oilers in an AFL championship match. However, the Chargers were unable to score until a fourth-quarter field goal in a 10–3 loss this season.

Kemp suffered his middle finger two games early in the season and was unable to participate. He begged his doctors to set his broken finger about a football so that his grip would not be affected until the finger was healed. Sid Gillman, the Chargers' coach, put Kemp on waivers to try to "hide" him. In what sportswriter Randy Schultz calls one of the biggest bargains in professional football history, Buffalo Bills coach Lou Saban noticed Kemp was available and charged him for a $100 waiver fee on September 25, 1962. Kemp was also attempted on by the Dallas Texans and Denver Broncos, but AFL commissioner Joe Foss denied him to Buffalo, but AFL commissioner Joe Foss gave him the opportunity to Buffalo Buffalo.

Kemp's hire solved the Bills' quarterback's issue, according to Billy Shaw, but Kemp was not excited about going to Buffalo. "Jack is a skier," Van Miller said, and he wanted to fly to Denver to play for the Broncos. He loathed the prospect of going to Buffalo. He would be known in Buffalo for his fascination with a wide variety of books, including those by Henry Thoreau, which resulted in Saban's chidings.

Kemp was prevented from playing for the majority of 1962 due to injuries, including the fractured finger. Kemp was issued a military draft for service in the Vietnam War during this year, but a waiver was not granted because of a knee injury. The injuries were patched up, and Kemp made his Buffalo debut on November 18, 1962, directing the only touchdown drive in a 10–6 victory over the Oakland Raiders. In 1962, he appeared in just four games for Buffalo, but he was a member of the AFL All-Star team. The Bills won three of their last four games to finish 7–6–1.

The Bills defeated the Green Bay Packers for Notre Dame quarterback Daryle Lamonica on December 14, 1962. In 1963, a four-season starting quarterback war began, but the Raiders' Lamonica continued until the Raiders' Darryl Lamonica was drafted. "I learned a lot from Jack about quarterbacking," Lamonica said. "I honestly think we were a great one-two punch at the Bills' position. Kemp led the Bills from a slow start to a tie for the AFL Eastern Division lead with a 7–6–1 record in 1963. Kemp finished second in passing attempts, completions, and yards, and he came in second, second in rushing touchdowns to teammate Cookie Gilchrist. On December 28, the Bills played the Boston Patriots in an Eastern Division playoff game to determine the division champion in 10 °F (12 °C) weather. Buffalo recalled Kemp with Lamonica after falling behind 16–0, but then lost 26–8.

Because of his involvement in mediating conflicts, Kemp was thought to be the Bills' "clubhouse advocate." He supervised Gilchrist, who walked off the field when plays were not being called for him, and Saban, who refused to cut Gilchrist the following week. In the Bills' first seven games, he also handled the politics of his quarterback fight with Lamonica, who engineered four successful touchdown drives. Kemp was the first and only Professional Football player to pass for three touchdowns in the first quarter of a season-opening game against the Kansas City Chiefs in 1964 until the record was tied but not broken, 47 years later in 2011. The 1964 squad won the Eastern Division in its first nine games and went 12-2 for the regular season, defeating the Patriots in the final game at Fenway Park in the Eastern Division. Kemp led the league in yards per attempt but finished one rushing touchdown shy of the league record, which was shared by Gilchrist and Sid Blanks. He scored the final touchdown with just over nine minutes left in a 20–7 victory in the AFL championship game.

The 1965 team had a new emphasis: "We had been dependent on Gilchrist and our running battle to carry us," says Lamonica. . However, it all changed in '65.' Gilchrist had been traded by the Bills in the offseason to the Denver Broncos. So we went to a pass-oriented game later this season than we've ever had before. We didn't just stick to our receivers, but we also threw a lot of money at our running backs. I think it brought out the best in Jack that year." In 1965, the Bills reached their highest record of 10–3–1. Kemp finished second in the league in pass completions on the season. Buffalo defeated the Chargers 23–0 in the 1965 AFL Championship Game; for Kemp, it was thrilling because it was against his former team. Kemp's contribution in leading the Bills to a repeat championship without Gilchrist, as well as star receiver Elbert Dubenion's appearance in only three games earned him a share of the AFL MVP awards that split with former Charger teammate Paul Lowe. Kemp also received the Associated Press award and the Championship Game Most Valuable Player award.

Saban resigned as head coach of the University of Maryland and defensive coordinator Joe Collier was promoted to head coach for the 1966 season following the championship game. With a 9–4–1 record, Kemp led the Bills to their third straight division title. However, the Bills lost 31–7 to the Kansas City Chiefs in an AFL championship game that was contested for the right to represent the AFL in Super Bowl I. For the sixth year in a row, Kemp was named an AFL All-Star. The 1967 Bills had a rough start to their AFL career, with Kemp not able to attend an All-Star game for the first time in his AFL career.

The Bills lost by a blowout preseason to the Houston Oilers on August 23, 1968. Collier introduced the Bills on August 26, during a 40-play scrimmage. Ron McDole collapsed on Kemp's right knee and injured it, causing Kemp to miss the entire 1968 season. Without Kemp, the Bills went 1–12–1.

Despite Kemp's return from injury and the signing of running back O. J. Simpson, the Bills only posted a 4–10 record during the 1969 season under new coach John Rauch. Kemp was named an AFL All-Star in 1969 for the seventh time in the league's ten years. He advocated for the league's recognition, and Pete Rozelle, who died in 1969, lobbied Pete Rozelle for AFL teams to wear an AFL patch to honor it. The Erie County Republican Party contacted him in 1969 to inquire about running for the US Congress. Kemp returned home and spoke to his wife before deciding to enter politics after the 1970 AFL All-Star game on January 17, 1970. At the time, Kemp said, "I had a four-year no-cut deal with the Bills." ... I figured that if I lost, I'd be able to come back and play. However, the fans had their say and "I was elected to Congress."

Kemp led Buffalo to the AFL playoffs for four years (1963-1966), three straight Eastern Division titles (1964-1966) and two straight AFL Championships (1964-1965). He led the league in attempted, completions, and yards gained passing. He competed in five of the AFL's ten Championship Games and holds the same career records (passing attempts, completions, and yardage) for titles as well as championships. He is ranked second in several other championship game categories, including career and single-game passer ratings. With 40, he ranks third in rushing touchdowns by an NFL or AFL quarterback, behind Steve Young's 52 and Otto Graham's 44. A Sports News All-League pick at quarterback in 1960 and 1965, as well as the AFL MVP in 1965. He was the only AFL quarterback to be named as a starter for ten years in the league's history, and one of just 20 players to play all ten years. In 1984, Bills retired his number 15. Kemp was inducted into the Professional Football Researchers Association's Very Good Class of 2012 in 2012.

Despite his success and important AFL records, he is nevertheless one of the most notable figures in the NFL's list of least flattering performances, including his position as the youngest sacker in a game. Despite Kemp's many accomplishments, Joe Namath and Len Dawson were selected as the quarterbacks for the All-Time AFL team. Kemp is a member of the Greater Buffalo Sports Hall of Fame and the Buffalo Bills' Wall of Fame.

Kemp co-founded the AFL Players Association with Boston Patriots Tom Addison, and was elected president five times. His early involvement in the players' union contributed to his frequent support for the Democrats on labor issues later in his career.

Theodore Roosevelt Award, the NCAA's highest accolade, was presented to Kemp in 1992, and he was named one of the Association's top student-athletes in 2006.

Political career

Kemp's political career began long before his 1970 campaign. Kemp served as an editorial assistant to San Diego Union editor and future Richard Nixon aide Herb Klein in 1960 and 1961. Kemp later became a participant in both Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential bid and Ronald Reagan's triumphant 1966 California gubernatorial bid. Kemp spent 1967 football off-season with Reagan's staff in Sacramento. In 1969, he served as the special assistant to the Republican National Committee chairman.

Kemp was a voracious reader, and his political convictions were based in early readings of Goldwater's The Conscience of a Conservative, Ayn Rand's book The Fountainhead, and Friedrich von Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty. "I wasn't there with Rosa Parks or Dr. King or John Lewis," Kemp said after his football career that he came from playing with black teammates. But I am here now, and I am going to yell from the rooftops about what we need to do." "The huddle is colorblind," Kemp's football colleagues explained.

Kemp, a self-described "bleeding-heart conservative," represented a part of the Southtowns, which traditionally voted Democratic) in the United States House of Representatives from 1971 to 1989. He was described as having the charisma of John F. Kennedy, a former president. Kemp was often criticized outside of his committees' jurisdictions and often spoke in favor of values and principles rather than his party's political platforms, according to David Rosenbaum. When speaking about growth as a business goal, he was not a proponent of balanced budgeting and trivializing it.

After incumbent congressman Richard D. McCarthy decided to run for the Senate, the Erie County, New York Republicans had drafted Kemp. His congressional district was in economic distress at his inception, and The New York Times described him as a John F. Kennedy throwback who ran on family values, patriotism, sports, and defense. In Time, he was one of six newcomers, along with Ronald Dellums, Bella Abzug, Louise Day Hicks, Robert Drinan, and Pete du Pont. The author portrayed him as a football fan like US President Richard Nixon and as the recipient of White House counsel Robert Finch's recommendation and former Kemp boss Herb Klein, Nixon's director of communications, throughout the book. In order to solidify Kemp's support from military hawks, Nixon's aides encouraged him to embrace the Cambodian invasion and condemn Nixon's war policies.

Kemp lobbied several Chicago school and supply-side economics topics, including economic development, free trade, tax simplification, and lower tax rates on both employment and investment income. He was a long-serving advocate of the flat tax. He also advocated for the use of anti-Communist contrapoes in Central America, advocated abortion, and was the first lawmaker to popularize enterprise zones, which encouraged innovation and job creation while increasing homeownership among public housing tenants. He sometimes sounded like a liberal Democrat, and he advocated affirmative action and protection for illegal immigrants. Kemp was described by the New York Times as the most nimble combatant in the war against poverty after Robert F. Kennedy. He distinguished himself from rockefeller Republicans and earlier wars like Lyndon Johnson by favoring incentive-based rather than traditional social care. David Gergen heralded him as a "courageous voice in the wilderness" for his service to inner city issues from within the Republican Party. Although he was liberal on several social issues and argued for civil rights for homosexuals, he opposed the right to teach in schools. Kemp viewed his job as a "freewheeling, entrepreneurial, wildcat backbencher" at times.

In its 1974 "Faces for the Future" feature, Time named 38-year-old second-term congressman Kemp as a future leader. In 1978's Esquire, another early-career magazine appearance was included. The article detailed allegations of homosexual conduct among Ronald Reagan's Sacramento office workers in 1967; Kemp was not implicated. In 1980, Kemp considered running for the Senate, but Hugh Sidey named him as a front runner over Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential election and a front runner for the vice presidency at the 1980 Republican National Convention, where he received 43 votes from conservative detractors of George H. W. Bush. Since being reelected for a sixth term in 1980, his Republican colleagues elected him to a position of leadership in the House of Representatives, and he served seven years as chairman of the House Republican Conference. This change came immediately after Kemp and David Stockman advised Reagan by memorandum that his first 100 days would be dedicated to working on a congress-based economic plan. Kemp considered running for governor of New York in 1982 but ultimately decided to remain in the House of Representatives. Many believed Kemp to be Reagan's successor apparent by 1984.

In 1976, Kemp's first contact with supply-side economics occurred when The Wall Street Journal's Jude Wanniski interviewed him in his congressional office. Kemp questioned Wanniski all day (until midnight, at Kemp's Bethesda, Maryland home), and was eventually moved to University of Southern California professor Arthur Laffer's supply-side discipline. Kemp advocated supply-side economics for many years, and Sen. William Roth of Delaware and Sen. William Roth of Delaware introduced tax-cutting legislation in 1978. Kemp has been praised for supply-side economics' inclusion in President Reagan's economic plan, but many people owe a large part of the success to Mundell, Laffer, Robert Bartley, and Wanniski. Kemp wrote "A Rising tide lifts all boats" in 1979, an American Renaissance (ISBN 0-0612283-8). Although Reagan was the source of early 1980s tax cuts, Kemp and Roth were triggered by Kemp and Roth's 1981 Kemp–Roth Tax Cut legislation. Reagan's budget was based on this legislation, which was upheld by the opposition of US House Committee on Ways and Means Chairman Dan Rostenkowski.

Kemp and his followers avoided budget balancing during the Reagan years while encouraging tax cuts and economic growth. Conservatives have lauded the economic growth from 1983 to 1990, which by 1996 had been one of America's longest expansions. Kemp also points out that Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker's accomplishments in stemming inflation and a stable regulatory environment were two significant factors. The detractors argue that the expansion was fueled by non-profit industries such as gaming, jail, medical care, and credit card use.

An early Kemp tax reform attempt was a failed 1979 attempt to index tax brackets for cost of living adjustments, which was included in Reagan's 1980 budget. In 1980, Kemp cosponsored a bill on enterprise zones. When Reagan decided to reverse the tax cuts and promote tax hikes in 1982, one of Kemp's most difficult times as a congressman came in 1982. Kemp's reversal was controversial and sparked resistance. However, the updated taxes were still in force. Kemp has rebutted chairman Volcker's policies on several occasions in 1983. The discussions included domestic financial involvement and participation in the funding of the International Monetary Fund.

Kemp gave speeches at several Republican National Conventions. On July 15 at the 1980 Republican National Convention in Detroit, Michigan, and on August 21 at the 1984 Republican National Convention in Dallas, Texas, he addressed the convention. During the 1984 Convention, with Trent Lott as the Republican Party Platform Committee chairman, Congressmen Kemp and Newt Gingrich asserted dominance of the party platform, to the consternation of G.O.P. Senator Bob Dole and Howard Baker. Kemp's official position was as the chairman of the platform subcommittee on foreign policy. However, the three platform planks he suggested needed tax hikes, the gold standard, and the role of the Federal Reserve. Despite Kemp's official position, his true influence as an author lay in the plank's grammatical framework. Kemp was a leading candidate for the 1988 presidential nomination by 1985. At the 1992 Republican National Convention in Houston, Texas, he made remarks on free enterprise zones. Despite attempts and suggestions of expanding his political reach, Kemp never held a fundraiser outside of his suburban Western New York district until well into his eighth term in Congress.

In the United States, Kemp was a fan of association football, also known as soccer. Kemp said "I think it is important for all the young people out there, who someday want to play real football, where you kick it and kick it and run with it, and take it into your hands." Kemp compared his address to George Carlin's 1984 comedy routine on the differences between baseball and American football, noting that his "tongue was firmly planted in cheek" when making the address. Despite the levity of the address, the speech received a lot of backlash. However, he continued to state that soccer's biggest issue is "it doesn't have a quarterback." Kemp said that half of his grandchildren play or have played organized soccer and that he has "changed" his opinion on soccer. Henry Kissinger, a long-time soccer fan, attended the 1994 FIFA World Cup, although he wrote during the 2006 FIFA World Cup that soccer can be exciting to watch but not really a "boring game."

If Kemp had won his bid for the United States Presidency in 1988, it would have made him the first person to move from the House of Representatives to the White House since James Garfield. He appointed Ed Rollins, Reagan's 1984 re-election political director, as an advisor when forming his exploratory committee. Kemp had failed to establish himself as the primary alternative to Vice President Bush from the outset. Except for a select few experts who were interested in Kemp's leadership ability, the general public was unaware of him as a leader of thought, although he was a popular man of ideas. In fact, the majority of the Republican electorate was not familiar with Kemp early in his campaign. However, political pundits recognized him as a visionary dream man. In addition, he was quickly recognized as a verbose speaker who occasionally lost touch with his audience. Though Kemp attempted to appeal to conservatives, his libertarian philosophies of tolerance and human rights, as well as his pledge to assisting minorities, women, blue-collar employees, and organized labour clashed with conservative voters' political and religious convictions. Kemp's free-market philosophies, according to Democrats, were a continuation of laissez-faire anarchy. However, as much as Kemp tried to minimize government's presence, he confirmed that steps toward a more laissez-faire approach should be well thought out.

Following the Gary Hart-Donna Rice affair in May 1987, the New York Times launched a questionnaire that requested information such as psychiatric records and access to FBI files from all 14 presidential candidates. Candidates from both sides of the political spectrum expressed their views on both directions of the personal privacy issue, and Kemp dismissed the Times investigation as "beneath the dignity of a presidential candidate." His campaign began on a promising foot with many key early endorsements in New Hampshire, but Bush retained significant support in New York for much of the Republican establishment. Though Kemp's campaign attracted a diverse group of supporters, it was still in the red after it had quickly fallen into the red, which may have been due to the use of costly direct mail fundraising methods. Kemp also stated his opposition to abortion, his endorsement of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), and his endorsement of a larger military than that favored by Secretary of State George Shultz. Kemp reacted angrily to Shultz's resignation based on allegations that Shultz had neglected freedom fighters in Afghanistan and Nicaragua, and had wrangled on SDI. Kemp travelled to Costa Rica, Honduras, and El Salvador in September 1987 in an effort to highlight his points of contention with the Arias Peace Plan, a peace agreement that US conservatives deeming too conciliatory to Central American communists. He was joined by 50-plus US conservative figures on the trip.

Kemp's main campaign weapon, despite a large number of political topics, was a tax cut. He opposed a Social Security benefits freeze and endorsed a freeze on government spending as part of his fiscal policy, but favored a freeze on government spending as part of his fiscal policy. Kemp's supply-side stance was seen by some as an attempt to mask the national budget deficit. Kemp needed to gain traction from the far right on non-social topics in late 1987. Despite general Republican voter approval of the treaty, Kemp was one of the majority of Republican candidates opposing Reagan's INF Treaty deal with Soviet Union President Mikhail Gorbachev. All candidates with low voter support for the nomination received this same "sabre-rattling" campaign, with aspirations of help from right-wing voters. The moderates (Bush and Dole) were already the front-runners by early 1988, and Kemp was fighting Pat Robertson as the conservative alternative to the moderates.

He ran a somewhat negative media campaign that had the intended goal of boosting him to brisk interest. His 1988 campaign was based on the success of supply-side economics and inner-city enterprise zones. Kemp is a candidate with flaws, according to Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms: My Life in American Politics. Kemp's campaign managers argue he was unmanageable: he ignored timers in his speeches, refused to call contributors, and refused to attend debates. A humbling Super Tuesday, in which his 39 delegate total was less than the eventual nominee and President Bush, and both Dole and Pat Robertson ended his campaign. After withdrawn from the race, he was still a candidate for the Vice President nomination. The Kemps migrated from Hamburg, New York, to Bethesda, Maryland, their home at the time of his death in 1989. Kemp's 1988 campaign reached a deal with the Federal Election Commission for 1988 campaign election law indebted, overspending, improper monetary contributions, press overbilling, and the inability to compensate corporations for providing air transportation.

Kemp, a so-called "bleeding-heart conservative" who would have ruled out Bush as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, whose job would be to develop public sector and private sector techniques to satisfy the needs of public housing. However, the revelations surrounding Reagan's Housing and Urban Development Minister Samuel Pierce's resignation and the president's mismanagement were both obstacles from the start, and Kemp was unable to implement either of his major initiatives: enforcing business zones and promoting public housing tenant ownership. These two initiatives were intended to convert public housing into tenant-owned residences and to attract industry and commerce into inner cities with federal subsidies. Although Kemp did not have an effect on HUD's policies, he did an excellent job for HUD's image and established a strategy to save the Federal Housing Administration. He suspended or modified certain services and launched an antidrug campaign, which allowed him to collaborate with National Drug Control Policy Bill Bennett, who helped him develop an antidrug campaign. He endorses "operation Clean Sweep" and other movements to restrict firearms ownership in public buildings.

Despite being coaxed by Kemp to fund a $4 billion housing program that encouraged public housing tenants to buy their own apartments, the Democratic Congress approved only $361 million to the initiative. Kemp fought White House Budget Director Richard Darman, who criticized Kemp's pet initiative HOPE (Homeownership and Opportunity for People Everywhere) in addition to opposition in Congress. The initiative involved selling public housing to its residents. Darman has also sluggishly opposed Kemp's suggested government compensation adjustments. HOPE was first suggested to White House Chief of Staff John Sununu in June 1989 to create enterprise zones, increase subsidies for low-income renters, increase social care for the homeless and elderly, and introduce tax reforms to assist first-time home buyers. Sununu opposed it first in the Cabinet, as did the majority of the Cabinet, but Sununu's Economic Empowerment Task Force was commissioned by President Bush in August 1990, when he was advised by California Attorney General Dick Thornburgh to endorse Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force. However, Kemp's new initiative was overshadowed by the Persian Gulf War and budget talks. Darman defeated Kemp and his allies, James Pinkerton, and Vin Weber. Kemp's budget left him with $256 million for his scheme, which he increased during a series of appropriations battles. Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force was dissolved shortly after Clayton Yeutter was named chief White House domestic policy advisor.

President Bush ruled out federal antipoverty issues and instead referred to Kemp to address the administration's low priority conservative activist agenda. Volunteerism had been a key component of Bush's "Points of Light" campaign, and Kemp's plans were getting more support from presidential candidate Bill Clinton. Bush was a bit late in promoting enterprise zones, landlord ownership, and welfare reform by the Los Angeles riots of 1992: Mort Zuckerman likened Bush's vision on racial issues to that of a man riding backwards in a railroad car. Nonetheless, the riots made Kemp a focal point of the administration, even though it was first assumed that Kemp had been ignored. When Charles E. Schumer said in 1989, "good ideas with money can do a whole lot." Good ideas without money aren't likely to do a lot," and the decision not to fund Kemp's ideas was the issue here. Although Kemp was unable to obtain funds for his dreams, he was one of the government's top buyers of first-class corporate jets. He cited lingering effects from a knee injury as the reason for his flight first class at government expense as the Housing Secretary.

His time as the housing secretary was generally unsatisfaction. However, although he could not get federal funding for empowerment zones passed during his tenure, by 1992, 38 states had established empowerment zones, and under President Clinton's guidance in 1994, $3.5 billion was approved for them. However, a free market Kemp initiative to encourage homeowners to subdivide their houses for the purpose of building rental units without having to recruit rental units without inordinate bureaucracy was not successful during the Clinton administration. Kemp was once again regarded as a vice presidential candidate in 1992, with H. Ross Perot's campaign gaining a large following.

Kemp was partially to blame for failing to achieve either of his primary targets because he did not fit in with the rest of the Cabinet. At one point, Kemp told James Baker, White House Chief of Staff, that Bush's best chance to reelection was to fire his economic advisors in a dramatic manner. Kemp and six leading Republican conservatives compiled a conflict memo urging Bush to rewrite his economic policies ahead of the 1992 Republican National Convention. Dan Quayle should be dismissed in favour of Kemp, according to conservative Republicans in office and media, including William F. Buckley Jr. and George Will. Following Kemp's description of portions of the President's economic policy as "gimmicks" after the 1992 State of the Union Address, the Union Address was referred to. Kemp was admired within the party for opposing Bush, but insiders who followed Bush's administration understood his importance. In late 1991, 81 of the 166 Republican congressmen signed a letter co-authored by Curt Weldon and Dan Burton urging Bush to hand over some domestic authority to Kemp as a "domestic policy czar." Kemp's "energy, passion, and national clout," the letter said in a letter, sluggish Bush insulted him. Kemp was a surprise to remain in the Bush Cabinet for the duration of his presidency, and he was regarded as one of the few Bush Administration representatives not to take strong stands. Kemp did not expect to be reelected in 1992, and some pundits agreed with him.

During his time as Housing Secretary and Vice Presidential nominee, Kemp gave public addresses for $35,000 apiece. Kemp had launched 241 fund-raising dinners in 1994 to raise $35 million for a 1996 presidential bid and to pay off his 1988 campaign debts. Kemp personally earned $6.9 million in the next three years after stepping down from his $189,000 Secretary of Housing and Urban Development position, mainly for speaking out for local Republican candidates. Kemp hosted a popular fundraiser series during the Super Bowl XXVIII festivities.

Kemp was named the star of the 1992 Republican National Convention. Kemp was voted the favorite or co-favorite for the 1996 presidential nomination in 1992 and 1993. Kemp was widely expected to announce his candidacy for 1996 at the time of the 1994 mid-term elections, and his allies wanted a formal announcement by the end of the year. Kemp's stated reason for not running in the 1996 Republican presidential primaries was that his personal convictions were out of balance with the new Republican political landscape: Kemp, who always favoured term limits, he always preferred tax cuts to anything resembling a balanced budget proposal, and, unlike most Republicans, preferring federal subsidies to combat urban poverty. Gloria Borger, a 1995 resident, noted that Kemp was not in tune with America's 1994 Agreement. Kemp also expressed dissatisfaction with the substantial funding required for a presidential campaign. Gergen said that the application process had become so costly, cruel, and personally invasive that it discouraged many top Republicans from running in 1996. Kemp had mixed feelings about the possibility of such a campaign in 1995, while the world awaited Colin Powell's campaign decision announcement.

In reaction to voter fear that the tax code had become too complicated, Senate Majority Leader Dole and Gingrich appointed Kemp to head a tax reform commission (the Kemp Commission). Kemp embraced many topics, including the flat tax, which he actually proposed after he was elected. The plan contained certain politically significant income tax deductions, such as mortgage interest, but it remained rather general. Both Steve Forbes and Phil Gramm suggested the flat tax among the 1996 Republican Party candidates.

Kemp's endorsement was highly coveted during the campaign. Forbes had hoped to persuade Kemp to run in the 1996 race, but Kemp dropped out and instead supported Forbes just as Dole was closing in on the nomination, and just after Dole obtained the endorsements of former contenders Lamar Alexander and Richard Lugar, Forbes reported. According to some, the main reason for the endorsement was to hold the flat tax concept and other supply-side viewpoints alive. Many thought Kemp had jeopardized his political career with the endorsement, and Kemp had apologised to Dole's campaign staff. After it became clear that Dole would be the nominee, Kemp attempted to organise a bipartisan seminar with Felix Rohatyn with the intention of resulting in a fiscal plan that could be accepted by both sides.

Kemp was also outspoken on immigration around this time: "immigrants are a blessing, not a curse," according to Kemp's interpretation of a scientific survey that supports him and Bennett. In 1994, Kemp and Bennett voted against Proposition 187, a bill to prohibit illegal immigrants from receiving public services, in an open opposition to first-term Republican Governor Pete Wilson, one of the campaign's endorsers. Michael Huffington, a Republican senator from New Jersey, had also supported the bid. Kemp endorsed legal immigration rights for illegal immigrants, but Lamar Smith and Alan Simpson's proposed limits on legal immigration were objectionable.

Kemp had a reputation as the most popular conservative Republican on record. When Dole declines an invitation to speak with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, he suggested Kemp as a substitute even before Kemp became the vice presidential nominee. In reaction to both the Forbes campaign and Kemp's tax cut commission, Dole reported a 15% across-the-board tax cut on August 5, 1996. Several of Dole's other campaign plans came from Kemp and Bill Bennett's Empower America, which featured Jeane Kirkpatrick, Weber, Forbes, and Alexander as principals. For example, Dole borrowed Kirkpatrick's tough foreign policy, Bennett's "right behavior," and even Alexander's school choice concern.

Bennett turned down the opportunity to be Dole's running mate, but Kemp suggested Kemp, a man who was described as Dole's adversary. Former Senator Dole ran for Vice President Kemp as the Republican vice presidential nominee on August 16, 1996. Kemp was seen as a way to attract centrist and libertarian-minded voters like those of Forbes and Pat Buchanan's tough nomination candidates. Kemp was chosen over Connie Mack, John McCain, and Carroll Campbell, and it is believed that this was partly because Kemp had several former employees in influential positions as Dole's senior advisors. Dole had a long tradition of representing the budget-balancing group of the Party, while Kemp had a long history of representing the tax-cutting campaign, and Kemp's tax-cutting fiscal record was seen as the correct match for the ticket. When Kemp became Dole's running mate in 1996, they appeared on the front page of Time magazine on August 19, 1996, but they barely escaped from covering a story about the discovery of extraterrestrial life on Mars, which was so close to being the front story that Time magazine cut it out completely.

Both politicians had a long history, with differing viewpoints and goals. Dole was a long-serving conservative deficit hawk who had even voted against John F. Kennedy's tax cuts, while Kemp was an outspoken supply-sider. According to David Stockman, Kemp persuaded Reagan to make a 30% across-the-board tax cut, a key 1980 presidential campaign feature. Dole, the Senate Finance Committee chairman who, after Reagan was elected, denounced the proposal at every step of the way. Dole admits to having reservations about the 1981 program. The major conflict came after the tax plan was approved and Dole immediately suggested tax hikes that he referred to as reforms. Kemp was vocal in his opposition to the reforms and even penned an op-ed column in The New York Times, which enraged Dole. Reagan endorsed the changes at Dole's behest, causing Kemp to summon allies to meetings to stop the law, which eventually passed in 1982. Kemp, along with allies, including Gingrich and Lott, introduced a plank to the party platform at the 1984 Republican National Convention, which placed President Reagan on alert for denying tax hikes. The plank passed over Dole's protests, which Gingrich described as "Dole proof" on the platform. In 1985, Dole suggested an austere budget that barely passed in the Senate, with appendectomy patient Pete Wilson casting the tying vote and Vice President Bush casting the decisive vote. Kemp reworked the budget to exclude critical Social Security cutbacks from meeting with the president, who had barred Dole. This is said to have been Dole's most humiliating political setback and has also contributed to the Republican Party's loss of control of the Senate. The two adversaries fought each other during the 1988 presidential election. Since Bush won and Kemp left Congress for the Cabinet, the two did not meet again until 1996, when Kemp endorsed Dole's opponent Forbes on the eve of the New York Primary in March.

Dole debating Kemp's economic theories, but he believes Kemp-like tax cuts offered the best chance of electoral success. Kemp had to make compromises for his part: Despite his long-standing resistance to Proposition 187 and abandoning affirmative-action policies in California, he had to back expelling the children of unlawful immigrants from public schools. Kemp was chastised for his compromise and referred to him as a "con artist." Dole-Kemp led the way from the start of their campaign, and they had to face skeptics from within the group. However, Kemp was able to use the nomination to protest his opposition to Clinton's partial birth abortion ban, which was vetoed. Kemp and Forbes also argued for a more aggressive approach on tax reform than Dole used during the campaign. In general, however, Kemp was a contributor to Bill Clinton's chances of catching Bill Clinton, and Kemp's speech gave a realistic picture of the tax reforms that would undoubtedly take place if the campaign were to be fruitful. Kemp was seen as likable to influence several forms of swing voters, particularly those from California's native state, and even Democrats, afraid that Kemp would lure voters.

Kemp became the ticket's spokesperson for minorities and the inner-city after being nominated. Kemp, in a sense aligned himself with Farrakhan because of agreement on the self-help program that Louis Farrakhan has supported in several areas, including the Million Man March. Farrakhan was accused of being anti-Semitic, and Kemp was considered a Republican ally. Any political sidestepping was required in this situation. Kemp overshadowed Dole at times as the nominee. Kemp was actually described as if he were the presidential nominee more than once. Kemp, in addition to overshadowing Dole, despite the ticket's negative ad campaigns, was a very positive running mate who relied on a pep rally style of campaign tour full of football-related metaphors and hyperbole. Although many enjoyed Kemp's style, some of his detractors, including US News & World Report writer Steven V. Roberts, sluggishly referred to him as the Good Shepherd, were concerned with the extensive use of recounting tales of passing bills in comparison to the use of recounting stories of passing bills. Kemp supported the ticket vehemently during the campaign, despite the fact that Republican Party leaders did not stand behind it wholeheartedly. Despite Kemp's speech on minority issues, Colin Powell's support, and polls that found that 30% of blacks identified themselves as conservatives on topics including school prayer, school vouchers, and criminal justice, the Republicans were unable to move beyond historical support levels from African-American voters.

Both Al Gore and Kemp had aspirations for president, which culminated in the pursuit of discussion on a different plane. In addition, Gore and Kemp were long-time friends, unlike Gore and his previous vice presidential candidate Dan Quayle. Consequently, debating personal attacks was avoided by debaters. However, some believed Kemp failed to respond to substantive allegations. Kemp was clearly defeated in the final vice presidential debate against Al Gore on October 9, 1996 (held as the Dole–Kemp ticket stalled badly in national polling), and Al Gore's performance is one of the best modern debate performances. The debate topics ranged from the normal such as abortion and foreign policy to the bizarre, such as an incident that occurred right before the Baltimore Orioles' second baseman cursed and spat on an umpire. The Mexico policy debate was one of the most controversial areas for critical analysis. The Gore win was not surprising, considering that Kemp had been outmatched by Gore in previous matches, and that Gore had a reputation as an experienced and vainted debater.

Late career

Kemp, Bennett, Kirkpatrick, and financial supporter Theodore Forstmann co-founded Empower America in 1993, which later joined Citizens for a Sound Economy to form Freedom Works. Empower America was the party's centrist wing, avoiding divisive topics such as abortion and gay rights, but it praised free markets and growth over balancing the budget and lowering the deficit. He resigned as Co-Chairman of Freedom Works in March 2005 after the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) challenged his connection to Samir Vincent, a Northern Virginia oil trader convicted of four criminal charges, including unlawfully operating as an unregistered lobbyist of Saddam Hussein's Iraqi government. Kemp's testimonies became more prominent in the courtroom. In addition, FBI informant Richard Fino linked Kemp to James Cosentino just weeks before the 1996 election.

Kemp had been appointed a director of six corporate boards by 1996. He was a director for Hawk Corporation, IDT Corporation, CNL Hotels and Resorts, InPhonic, Cyrix Corporation, and American Bankers Insurance Group. Kemp briefly served on Oracle Corporation's board, but resigned as he ran for vice president, but Six Flags, Inc. was named on the board of Six Flags, Inc. in December 2005. Kemp did not stand up to re-election to the IDT's board in 2006. Kemp served on the board of directors of Habitat for Humanity and served on the board of directors of Atlanta-based software company EzGov Inc., which was also on the board of directors of Election.com, which was the first election held on the internet (won by Al Gore). Kemp was also a corporate partner with Edra and Tim Blixseth, promoting membership in the elite private ski and golf Yellowstone Club. Kemp also collaborated with the Blixseths on a failed anti-terrorism software venture called Blxware, which was prosecuted for "conning" the federal government out of $20 million in contracts for malware that falsely claimed to find Al-Qaeda classified messages in television broadcasting broadcast signals. Kemp Partners, a strategic consulting firm that supports clients in meeting both business and public policy objectives, was the founder and chairman of Kemp Partners, a strategic consulting company that supports clients in achieving both business and public policy goals.

Kemp served on numerous advisory boards, including the UCLA School of Public Policy Advisory Board and the Howard University Board of Trustees, as well as the Howard University Board of Trustees, which he served since 1993. Kemp was appointed chairman of USA Football, a national advocacy group for amateur football established by the National Football League (NFL) and the NFL Players Association on March 25, 2003. Pop Warner, American Youth Football, Boys and Girls Clubs of America, National Recreation and Park Association, Police Athletic League, and the Amateur Athletic Union support the organization. He served as vice president of NFL Charities.

Kemp remained outspoken on social topics in the 1990s: he was critical of Clinton's International Monetary Fund's lax policies against South Korea. In early 1998, he was a leading candidate for the 2000 United States presidential election, but his campaign prospects fell, and he instead endorsed eventual winner George W. Bush. Kemp's political work for change in taxation, Social Security, and Education continued. Kemp opposed the proposal in favour of tax cuts when a 1997 budget surplus was planned for debt repayment. He, along with John Ashcroft and Alan Krueger, favoured the abolishal of double taxation. Kemp also advocated against abortion when Congress was considering a bill prohibiting intact dilation and extractions. He also advocated for former NFL veterans on topics including cardiovascular screening, assisted living, disability insurance, and the 2007 joint replacement initiative. He argued in favour of reforming immigration laws. Kemp also argued for free market reform in Africa in the late 1990s, claiming that the continent has a great deal of potential if it were to abandon autocratic and statist state policies.

Kemp served as an intermediary between Dole and Gingrich in 1997, when the Republican Party leader was embroiled in a House ethics scandal. Kemp was furious and expressed surprise when Lott made scathing remarks about Strom Thurmond, but he said he had encouraged him to "denounce segregation in every manner." Kemp was one of the leading figures in 2005 who pledged to raise funds for Scooter Libby's defense when he was charged with perjury and obstruction of justice in a lawsuit involving the publication of Central Intelligence Agency reports.

In June 2004, Kemp rescinded his support for Vernon Robinson for Congress due to the latter's immigration policy, citing Robinson's choice to run "as a Pat Buchanan Republican."

Kemp, co-chaired the Council on Foreign Relations task force on Russia in 2006, drafting a report entitled "What the US Can and Should Do" in collaboration with 2004 vice president John Edwards. Both the pair advocated for American poverty after their work force positions came to an end.

Kemp endorsed McCain in the 2008 Republican presidential primaries, which shocked conservative Republican tax cutters, on January 6, 2008. However, when McCain announced his candidacy, the media started referring to McCain as he approached his nomination. To quell their dissatisfactions, Kemp wrote an open letter sent by Sean Hannity, Rush Limbaugh, Laura Ingraham, and other conservative talk show hosts on McCain's behalf. In addition, Kemp and Phil Gramm consulted McCain on economic policy.

He was syndicated newspaper columnist.

Kemp was a member of "Defense Democracies" campaign, a group that was pushing for an electronic surveillance bill that died in the House of Representatives in February 2008. Schumer and Donna Brazile, among the company's consultants, resigned after the group's television ads sparked such scandal.

He served as Co-Chair of the Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission Cabinet and was a member of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation's advisory council.

He was a board member of the Lott IMPACT Trophy, which is named after Pro Football Hall of Fame defensive back Ronnie Lott, and is given annually to college football's Defensive IMPACT Player of the Year.

Source