Thabo Mbeki

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Thabo Mbeki (born 18 June 1942) is a South African politician who served as South Africa's second president from June 1999 to September 2008.

Mbeki resigned after being sent by the National Executive Committee of the ANC, with judge C. R. Nicholson's dismissal of wrong interference in the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) in September 2008, including the sacking of Jacob Zuma for corruption.

The Supreme Court of Appeal ruled unanimously overturned judge Nicholson's ruling on January 12, 2009, but the resignation remained. During his time in office, the South African economy expanded at an annual rate of 4.5 percent per year, creating jobs in the country's middle sectors.

With the introduction of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), the Black middle-class was significantly increased (BEE).

This rise in the demand for skilled professionals, whose numbers were strained by emigration as a result of violent crime, but the vast majority of the population, who is unemployed, was still suffering from unemployment.

He attracted the bulk of Africa's Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and made South Africa Africa's key point of economic development.

Early life and education

Mbeki was born in Mbewuleni, a small village in Transkei's former homeland, now part of the Eastern Cape. Linda (born 1941), his second sister, Linda (born 1942), and two brothers, Moeletsi (born 1948), and Jama (born 1982). 54 He was raised in Epainette (died 2014), a qualified teacher, researcher, and senior activist in the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). Both Epainette and Govan came from educated, Christian, land-owning families, and Govan's father, Sikelewu Mbeki, was a colonially appointed headman. 4 Both women arrived in Durban, where Epainette had become the second black woman to join the SACP (then still called the Communist Party of South Africa). However, when Mbeki was a child, his family was separated when Govan moved alone to Ladismith for a teaching job. Mbeki has said he was "born into war" and recalls that his childhood home was decorated with portraits of Karl Marx and Mahatma Gandhi. In fact, Govan named him after senior South African communist Thabo Mofutsanyana.

Mbeki began attending school in 1948, the year that the National Party was elected with a mandate to legislate apartheid. 58-60 The Bantu Education Act was introduced near the end of his school career, and he attended the Lovedale Institute, an prestigious mission school outside Alice, as part of the last class, which would be able to follow the same curriculum as white students. He was a year behind Chris Hani, his future colleague and competitor in the ANC, at Lovedale. Mbeki, 95, joined the ANC Youth League at the age of fourteen and became the secretary of its Lovedale branch in 1958. He was named as one of the initiators of a class boycott in March 1959 and was barred from Lovedale shortly after. 102–2 He also waited for matric examinations and obtained a second-class diploma.

: 113

Mbeki moved to Johannesburg, where he spent in the home of ANC secretary general Duma Nokwe and where he planned to sit for A-level examinations. The ANC had been barred in the aftermath of the Sharpeville massacre, but Mbeki remained politically active, becoming the African Students' Union's national secretary, replacing the now banned ANC Youth League. Nokwe also recruited Mbeki into the SACP during this time.

: 129–48

Mbeki was accepted to study economics by correspondence at the University of London in early 1962, but it was scheduled for him to complete the degree in person at the University of Sussex near Brighton, England. 155–57 That was when the ANC told him to join the growing cadre of cadres leaving South Africa to avoid police attention, receive training, and establish the overt ANC structures that were now illegal within the region. When trying to leave the country, Mbeki was arrested twice by the police, first in Rustenberg, when the group he was traveling with refused to identify themselves as a touring football team, and then in Rhodesia. 169–70 He arrived in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in November 1962, and then headed for England shortly thereafter.

: 174–75

Personal life and family

Monwabisi Kwanda, Mbeki's son, and Olive Mpahlwa, a childhood friend with whom he had fallen in love while at Lovedale, in October 1959. Kwanda was raised by his mother and later by Mbeki's mother, Epainette. 111–116 He was last seen by his family in 1981 and is thought to have died in exile, but the reasons of his death are uncertain. Olive testified about his disappearance at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1996, making an emotional appeal for those with details to step forward.

: 108

Jama, Mbeki's youngest brother, has also gone into exile. He spent his childhood in Lesotho and was an ardent supporter of the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP) and the Lesotho Liberation Army. BCP was much closer to the PAC than to the ANC, and later became a notorious adversary of the former. Jama vanished in March 1982 after he missed bail. 448–451: According to a probe launched by his family in the early 1990s, he was notified by a comrade who was entrapped by security forces and killed on the side of a highway in 1982. Moeletsi, 454 Mbeki's second living sibling, was also a well-known economist who has been educated abroad and now a well-known economist. He has often criticized his brother's government's policies.

Mbeki has been married to Zanele Dlamini Mbeki, a social worker from Alexandra who lived in London before being drafted to Moscow. The wedding reception took place at Farnham Castle in Surrey, England, on November 23rd. Essop Pahad was Adelaide's best man, and he and Mendi Msimang were in loco parentis for Mbeki. They have no children together at 300–310.

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Exile and early career

Mbeki was involved in ANC service and wider organising for the English Anti-Apartheid Movement while in Sussex. His father was arrested after a Security Branch raid at Liliesleaf Farm in July 1963, months after his arrival. Mbeki appeared before the United Nations Special Committee on Apartheid (UN) Special Committee on Apartheid (UN) Special Committee on Apartheid and later led a student march from Brighton to London, a distance of fifty miles. 202–12 Govan and seven other ANC leaders, including Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu, were sentenced to life imprisonment at the conclusion of the trial.

Mbeki completed his bachelor's degree in economics in May 1965, but rather than returning to Africa to join Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the ANC's infantry, Mbeki, enrolled in a Master's degree in economics and growth. His Master's dissertation was focused on economic geography. 198, 223 In addition to this and his political organising, he developed a deep love for Yeats, Brecht, Shakespeare, and blues music. 195 In October 1966, after completing his Master's degree, he moved to London to work full-time for the ANC's English headquarters. 251 He remained active in the SACP, which was closely affiliated to the ANC, until 1966, when he was appointed to the African Communist Party's editorial board.

: 221

Mbeki was the ward of O. R. Tambo and his wife Adelaide Tambo during his time in England, and in the absence of his parents, it was Adelaide and senior communist Michael Harmel who attended Mbeki's graduation ceremony in 1965. 218 O. R. Tambo Later became the country's longest serving president, and patron" until his death in 1993. Mbeki's former colleagues, Ronnie Kasrils and brothers Essop Pahad and Aziz Pahad, were among his key political allies in his later career.

: 166, 181, 221–22

Mbeki was sent by Moscow in the Soviet Union in February 1969 to receive Marxist-Leninist political and intellectual education, a common occurrence and even a rite of passage among young people identified as belonging to the forthcoming generation of ANC and SACP political figures. He was educated at Lenin Institute, where he went by the name "Jack Fortune" because of the secrecy. He excelled at the university and was named to the SACP's Central Committee in June 1970 alongside Chris Hani. 277 The last part of his education involved military service as well as a rite of passage, including intelligence, guerilla tactics, and weapons. However, his biographer Mark Gevisser maintains that he was "not the right candidate for military life" and that Max Sisulu, who worked with him, says Mbeki was always considered more suitable for political service than military leadership.

: 278–80

Mbeki was sent from military school to Lusaka, Zambia, where the ANC-in-exile had set up its new headquarters under acting president Tambo in April 1971. He was supposed to fill the role of administrative secretary to the ANC Revolutionary Council, a body that was newly established to coordinate the political and military efforts of the ANC and SACP. 289 He was later promoted to the propaganda branch but continued to attend the council's meetings, and in 1975, he (again alongside Hani) was elected into the National Executive Committee, the country's top decision-making body. 317 m3b It was during this period that he began to ghostwrite some of Tambo's poems and reports, and he accompanied Tambo on crucial occasions, including the one in December 1972, when he met Mangosu Buthelezi, the king of Inkatha, in London, who was in charge of Inkatha's independence, 371. 327, 415 He helped establish the ANC's office in Botswana, which was regarded as a "frontline" country by virtue of its shared border with South Africa, where the ANC was trying to re-establish itself underground. 317 m317 However, although he moved often in subsequent years, the ANC's Lusaka headquarters remained his central base.

Mbeki was instrumental in the establishment of the ANC's frontline base in Swaziland between 1975 and 1976. He was first sent to study the political environment in January 1975, under the pretense of attending a UN conference. Max Sisulu's brother, Lindiwe Sisulu, and their associates were among the Black Consciousness movement, which at the time was ascendent in neighbouring South Africa. Mbeki, 314-23, gave the ANC executive a positive report, and he was sent back to Swaziland to begin establishing the base. He spent time in Swaziland at Stanley Mabizela's family's house in Manzini. Mbeki, working with Albert Dhlomo, was responsible for helping to re-establish underground networks in the South African provinces of Natal and Transvaal, which shared a border with Swaziland. Jacob Zuma, a MK operative who ran the Natal underground, was his counterpart inside South Africa. The pair formed "an unexpected friendship," according to Gevisser. Mbeki's career spanned 343–345 was also responsible for recruiting new MK operatives, liaising with South African student and labour activists, and liaising with Inkatha, which was then dominant in Natal.

: 316–17, 343–45

However, another part of his duties was to serve as the country's chief representative and maintain good diplomatic relations with the Swazi government. The government discovered that Mbeki was involved in illegal conduct within Swaziland in March 1976, and he and Dhlomo, as well as Zuma, who were in the country illegally, were arrested and arrested in March 1976, although they later decided to evacuate to Mozambique rather than South Africa. Mbeki's handling of the Swaziland base later became a point of contention between him and Mac Maharaj, with whom his friendship has remained tense decades later. Maharaj and Mbeki argued at a top-level strategic meeting in Luanda, Angola, in 1978, when Maharaj, who had been charged with orchestrating the political underground, said that Mbeki's files from the Swaziland office were in fact "just an empty folder."

": 348–49

Mbeki returned to Lusaka, where he was made Duma Nokwe deputy in the ANC's Department of Information and Propaganda, after being deported. He was sent to Lagos, Nigeria, where he would be the country's first representative. Despite some controversy over whether the appointment was a sign that he had been marginalized, Gevisser says Mbeki did well in Lagos, establishing strong links with Olusegun Obasanjo's government and establishing an ANC presence in the opposition Pan African Congress (PAC).

: 370–71, 384–85

When he returned to Lusaka from Lagos in 1978, he was promoted again: he replaced Nokwe as the head of DIP and then became Tambo's political secretary, a very influential position in which he became one of Tambo's top strategists and confidantes. He also continued to ghostwrite for Tambo, but now in a formal capacity. 415, 415 At DIP, the change he made to the department's name was encapsulated by his approach, replacing "propaganda" with "publicity." To the disapproval of some hardline communists, he eschewed secrecy from earlier years and openly provided interviews and access to American journalists. He was in charge of changing the public image of the ANC from that of a violent group to a "government-in-waiting," according to various sources.

": 394

Gevisser says he formed several of his own high-end intelligence networks, with key underground operatives reporting directly to him, and that these led to the development of friendships with several of the domestic activists who later became his political allies. In addition,, he was instrumental in inventing some of the 1980s anti-apartheid war, which burgeoned in the aftermath of the 1976 Soweto revolt. Mbeki's "mass democratic movement," "people's power," and the call to "make the country ungovernable" are all blamed on his Mbeki, which has gained a lot of clout within South Africa from DIP or Mbeki personally. Mbeki's "drafting skills" enabled him to rise in the ANC and then to the presidency, according to 414, 420 Zuma.

: 415

Mbeki led the ANC's delegation to Zimbabwe in 1980, where the party attempted to forge contact with Robert Mugabe's newly elected government. This was a difficult challenge because the ANC had long been closely linked to the Zimbabwe African People's Union, Mugabe's arch rival in Mugabe's ZANU-PF. Mbeki, Zimbabwe's righthand man, and current Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, broke an extraordinary deal between ZANU-PF and the ANC, working primarily through Mugabe's righthand man, future Zimbabwean president Emmerson Mnangagwa. The agreement enabled the ANC to open an office in Zimbabwe and transfer MK arms and cadres across Zimbabwean borders; in addition, the Zimbabwean military has pledged to assisting the ANC in Zimbabwe, and the government has promised to provide MK cadres with Zimbabwean identity documents. 434–36 But Mbeki handed over the Salisbury office to another ANC official, and the deal later fell apart.

PW Botha declared a State of Emergency and gave the army and police special powers in 1985. In 1986, the South African Army sent a captain of the South African Defence Force (SADF) to kill Mbeki. The intention was to place a bomb in his Lusaka home, but the assassin was apprehended by Zambian police before he could go through with the scheme.

Mbeki became the ANC's director of Information and Publicity in 1985 and coordinated diplomatic campaigns to include more white South Africans in anti-apartheid activities. In 1989, he climbed in the ranks to head the ANC's Department of International Affairs and was instrumental in the ANC's talks with the South African government.

Mbeki was instrumental in converting the international media against imperialism. Mbeki served as a point of contact for foreign governments and international organisations, raising the ANC's diplomatic profile, and he was extremely effective in this role. Mbeki also served as the ambassador for the steady flow of delegates from white South Africa's upper crust. Academics, clerics, industry leaders, and representatives of liberal white groups who traveled to Lusaka to hear the ANC's perspectives on a democratic, free South Africa.

Mbeki was portrayed as a pragmatic, eloquent, pragmatic, and urbane. He was known for his diplomatic style and sophistication.

Mbeki, Jacob Zuma, and Aziz Pahad were all appointed by Tambo to conduct private talks with government officials in the early 1980s. Twelve meetings between the parties took place between November 1990 and May 1990, the majority of which took place at Mells Park House, a country house near Bath in Somerset, England. The team met in a hotel in Switzerland by September 1989 with Maritz Spaarwater and Mike Louw. PW Botha was kept updated of all the meetings, identifying him as "operation Flair." Mandela and Kobie Coetzee, the Minister of Justice, were also in secret discussions at the same time.

"You must remember that Thabo Mbeki is no longer my son" when Mbeki was able to return to South Africa and reunited with his own father, according to a reporter.

He is my comrade!"

"For Govan Mbeki, a son was simply biological appendage," a news magazine explained, "to be branded a comrade, on the other hand, was the highest honor."

Mbeki made several trips to the United States in the late 1970s in search of help among US companies. He was literate and amusing, and he knew a large circle of friends in New York City. Mbeki was appointed head of the ANC's information service in 1984 and then became the head of the international department in 1989, briefing immediately to Oliver Tambo, then President of the ANC, later in 1989. Tambo was Mbeki's long-serving mentor.

Mbeki was a member of an underground conference that began secretly with representatives of South Africa's corporate culture, and in 1989, he led the ANC delegation that held clandestine talks with the South African government. These talks culminated in the ANC's debility and the freeing of political prisoners. He was also involved in several other critical talks between the ANC and the government that culminated in South Africa's democratic democratization. De Klerk released a few of the ANC's top leaders at the end of 1989, one of whom was Govan Mbeki, as a gesture of goodwill.

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